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17 avril 2009 5 17 /04 /avril /2009 07:52

Aristote au Mont Saint-Michel, les racines grecques de l’Europe Chrétienne, de Sylvain Gouguenheim.

 

Dans notre monde où le politiquement correct domine, surtout en histoire, il est rassurant de voir que certains historiens osent braver ce tabou et ne pas se soumettre à la pensée dominante. Ici, Sylvain Gouguenheim s’attaque à un mythe : celui d’une Europe barbare qui n’a dû sa connaissance du savoir grec que grâce à ces rapports avec les Arabes, ces derniers étant forcément plus évolués que les Francs rustauds qui se lancèrent dans de sanglantes croisades à partir de 1095.Ce mythe est l’un des plus vivaces, avec celui de la « tolérante Andalousie » où les califes régnants sur l’Espagne musulmane auraient entretenu un climat de tolérance entre les communautés chrétiennes, juives et musulmanes au moment où l’Europe attardée christianisait par les armes.

 

En 5 parties , bien écrites et bien argumentées (amateurs de notes de fin de chapitres, vous serez servi) , l’auteur bat en brèche cette vision des choses et montre qu’au contraire, l’Europe ne s’est jamais coupée de ses racines grecques, que les traductions d’Aristote furent le fait de savant chrétiens bien avant les tentatives arabes et que ce sont elles qui circulèrent dans toute l’Europe, à partir de monastères comme ceux du Mont Saint-Michel. Mieux encore, il démontre que les connaissances médicales arabes furent surtout le fait des lettrés chrétiens, nestoriens ou monophysites présents dans les pays conquis par la vague musulmane, que ceux-ci traduisirent d’abord le grec en syriaque (leur langue natale) puis en arabe les œuvres de Galien. Cette hellénisation du monde arabe fut donc le fait des Chrétiens arabes et non des musulmans arabes, ceux-ci rejetant tout ce qui pouvait aller à l’encontre du Coran. Ainsi, on prête à Amr ibn al-As, général au service du calife Umar cette citation, exprimée après la destruction de la bibliothèque d’Alexandrie en 646 : « Si ces livres contiennent ce qui est déjà dans le Coran, alors ils sont inutiles. S’ils contiennent des choses qui lui sont contraires, ils sont nuisibles ».

 

Il analyse donc la transmission et la recherche du savoir grec dans l’Europe médiévale et la façon dont elle va petit à petit influencer les sciences mais aussi la politique, alors que dans le monde arabe, l’hellénisation restera une sorte de passe-temps qui ne modifiera en rien les structures de la société musulmane.

 

Une dernière partie traite de la différence entre la civilisation chrétienne et la civilisation musulmane . Cette partie est plus polémique et s’apparente plus à un essai qu’à un livre d’histoire. Mais il est si rare de voir un historien exprimer un avis franc qu’on pardonnera cette petite digression.

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http://www.jamestown.org/single/?no_cache=1&tx_ttnews[tt_news]=34871&tx_ttnews[backPid]=7&cHash=ac5d25ca9d<br /> "Nashi" Foray into Georgia Stopped in Time<br /> Vladimir Socor,  Eurasia Daily Monitor, April 17, 2009,  Volume: 6 Issue: 74<br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> A Nashi youth camp rally in Russia<br /> <br />  <br /> On April 16, Georgian authorities prevented the Kremlin-coordinated youth group, Nashi, from provoking incidents at the South Ossetia demarcation line and in Tbilisi. A convoy of five vehicles carrying 20 Nashi activists, the "Moscow-Tskhinvali-Tbilisi Motorcade," had set off from Moscow on April 10, reaching Tskhinvali (via the Roki Tunnel) on April 15, and planned to continue into Tbilisi or, alternatively, stage an incident at the demarcation line. Georgian Internal Affairs Minister personnel detained Nashi "commissar" Aleksandr Kuznetsov in a hotel in the city of Gori, situated in Georgia's interior near the demarcation line,  during the night of April 15-16. Kuznetsov's video recorded statements, excerpted on Georgian television channels (Rustavi-2 TV, Imedi TV, April 16) overlap with Nashi spokesmen's statements in Moscow at the motorcade's start (Interfax, RIA Novosti, April 10). Kuznetsov told Georgian interrogators  that he was en route to Tbilisi for consultations with local contacts about the logistics of the group's crossing into Georgian-controlled territory,  moving on to Tbilisi,  finding accommodation in the city,  and designating a venue for a public stunt by Nashi  amid the anti-government demonstrations in Tbilisi. The convoy was to reach Tbilisi  by the evening of April 16. Failing that plan,  according to Kuznetsov,  he was to return to the demarcation line  and rendezvous there with the Nashi motorcade,  which was to be accompanied by armed guards  specially assigned to it.   If Georgian police stopped the convoy from entering, or if the police arrested Kuznetsov during the likely confrontation,  the convoy's guards were to start firing  in the direction of Georgian-controlled territory. This could have provoked a shootout  and possible escalation. Apart from this account,  Kuznetsov's statement  corroborates earlier reports  that Nashi are being financed through the office of Vladislav Surkov,  first deputy head  of the Russian presidential administration.  's founding chief is Vasili Yakemenko,  currently head of Russia's Committee for Youth Affairs (a state agency).  Kuznetsov carried an endorsement letter  from the Duma's Committee on Youth Affairs, requesting Russian officials along the way from Moscow to Tskhinvali to assist the "Moscow-Tskhinvali-Tbilisi Motorcade" in its mission. The Nashi had entered the internationally recognized Georgian territory in South Ossetia  without having applied for Georgian visas. Thus the Georgian police was bound to block the convoy  at the demarcation line,   and would undoubtedly do so if the motorcade proceeds from Tskhinvali toward Tbilisi.  Georgia has informed the European Union's Monitoring Mission (EUMM)  about the risk of a Nashi attempt to provoke an incident at the demarcation line. Georgian authorities  have handed Kuznetsov over  to the Swiss embassy in Tbilisi,  which represents Russia's interests in Georgia  and hosts a Russian interest section  on that embassy's premises.  Once there, Kuznetsov claimed  that he had been beaten,  drugged, and forced to make a false statement  under threat to his life (Interfax, April 16). Kuznetsov,  however, is an internationally ubiquitous Nashi activist.  His track record includes accreditations as a "journalist" at the NATO summit in Bucharest in April 2008  and election observer in Kosova,  Iraq,  and even in Georgia's presidential and parliamentary elections in January  and May 2008, respectively. Nashi had staged a rally  the Georgian embassy in Moscow on April 9,  on the theme that "Georgian people can no longer tolerate" their president.  At that demonstration  they announced the plan  to dispatch the "Moscow-Tskhinvali-Tbilisi Motorcade" (Interfax, RIA Novosti, April 9).  Six days later in Tskhinvali  the group held a joint rally with South Ossetian youth  under the slogans "Saakashvili War Criminal," "Peaceful Dialogue Tbilisi-Tskhinvali," and the theme of "Constructive relations and resumption of political dialogue between Georgia and Russia." In a similar vein,  the Moscow-installed South Ossetian leader Eduard Kokoity told the press  that Tskhinvali would enter into a dialogue with "new Georgian authorities" (Interfax, April 10). While denouncing the Georgian president  the Nashi staged a pacifist stunt,  "sowing a peace blanket," in Tskhinvali  and planned to repeat it in Tbilisi.  Stung by that prospect,  one of the radical opposition politicians,  Salomé Zourabichvili, commented,<br /> "Russia sending Nashi here is just one of the ways in which they indirectly help Saakashvili. I advise Russia, as we have all advised them before, not to interfere in our processes" (Imedi TV, April 16). <br /> Indeed,  the appearance of Russian support  would doom the Georgian radical opposition's campaign to quick failure. Moscow shares the regime-change agenda;  it hopes to see this accomplished by Georgian hands; and it realizes that Georgia's radical opposition  is too marginal to succeed unassisted.  Nevertheless, Moscow cannot openly make common cause with Georgia's radicals  without defeating the shared goal of regime change.
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